Part II
Findings
The first identified stage of spontaneous
housing is quite similar in almost every invasion: it begins with the
demarcation of the land and its initial occupancy with a precarious building
made of “esteras” (a constructive system based on a wooden structure, woven
straw fences and a prefabricated roof of corrugated metal sheets or plastic).
The first structures, frequently built overnight in order to avoid trouble with
previous settlers or the authorities, look more like tents, but short after
they are replaced by square one-room structures.
When it comes to the occupation of not
consolidated lands, it is essential to overcome this stage quickly in order to
avoid a possible eviction by the authorities. Therefore it is a priority to
replace the initial precarious structure with a more permanent one. However,
when it comes to the occupation of the edges of an already established
neighbourhood, this stage can have a longer duration. In the experience in
Huaycán it was observed that in the zone Z, the most recent occupation, many
houses are still made of this type of structure then years after the arrival of
the inhabitants. Although villagers expressed a desire for improvement, it is
not among their immediate priorities.
Contemporary to the delimitation of the parcels
and the erection of these early structures, the settlers’ committee designs
areas to be left empty in order to make room for future public services: the
streets are drawn considering, when the terrain permits it, a wide section to
host even a future two-lane avenue with a central divider. There is also left
empty space for public parks or plazas, sport grounds, one or more parcels for
the reunion of the local community, mother’s clubs and wawawasis (daycare
centers). Often, at this early stage, there is also the presence of
representatives of religious orders, who also claim land for the future
installation of a small church.
Already at this early stage, when the resident
no longer has the constant threat of a possible eviction, it often happens that
he or she begins to acquire building materials for possible extensions and
consolidations of their home with “noble materials”. We often see bricks
stacked beside the main façades of the houses, bags of dry cement on the roof
or even stones from the surrounding hills. This is the way of saving often
preferred by the new dwellers of the city. Although now the municipal saving
banks could give the residents mortgage loans, even if their income is low,
this saving method through materials is still widely used.
A second stage in the process occurs with the
consolidation of the ground floor: the initial structures are replaced by
“noble” materials (brick and a concrete structure). In this stage the priority
is to plan the house in terms of its flexibility and, above all, the potential
for future developments. Therefore it is quite common to leave an important
area on the ground floor available for a small business or workshop, and a free
rear area intended for a staircase to the future upper levels.
Constructively, the roof of this floor
includes a projecting cornice intended to extend the useful area of the second
level; the ends of the iron structures of the cast concrete are left uncoated
for it use in the construction of the second floor. The final outline of the
building at this level rarely looks finished.
In the third stage of the process the
occupation of the second level takes place. Sometimes it is similar to what happened
in the first level, starting with a provisional precarious structure that will
later be replaced by more resistant materials. When the family’s economic
situation allows it, this structure would be replaced by brick walls with
casted concrete structure and roof.
It is important to note that this
occupation generally occurs at the time when the family has grown and new
members have joined in. Hence this floor is often used as housing for grown-up
children and their families.
Characteristic elements in this stage are
the outside stairs, destined to give an independent access to this area of the
house, and the construction of top elements such as fake sloping roofs over the
windows or balconies on the façade. Even if the inhabitants intend to continue
with the construction of the house’s upper floors, the construction of the
second level often coincides with a concern for formal and decorative aspects
of the structure: the walls are plastered and painted, decorative elements are
introduced, improvements in the outer space are made, etc. On the constructive
aspect, it should be noted that there are still many cases maintaining the
uncoated iron structure, anticipating for yet other modifications in the
house’s structure.
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In Huaycán, most homes, regardless of the
zone to which they belong, aspire to this level of consolidation. However, we
can identify some isolated examples where a third and even a fourth level are
added to the structure.
In most of these cases, the family would
occupy a smaller portion of the constructed area, and the rest would be devoted
to commercial activities such as hotels or rental homes. In the first case, the
formal aspects of the building are particularly important and carefully chosen,
aiming for a recognisable image; in the second case, the inhabitants prefer
more functional solutions to maximise the occupancy of the available area.
Based on these general guidelines, it is
possible to see particularities in the auto-construction processes according to
the different studied zone. Evidently not every unit will evolve at the same
pace and the economy of the family is the main factor. Residents of Huaycán and
of squatter settlements in general agree to perceive their homes – and the
ownership of the land – as a future investment opportunity, whether it is just
a house, or combined with business or workshop. Not everyone, though, has the
resources, opportunities or management skills allowing a considerable economic
growth that would reflect in a uniform development of the neighbourhood.
A second factor relates to external
variables. For instance, the zones closest to the commercial centre in Huaycán
(zones A and F), and amongst them, the houses placed nearer the main streets,
have had the most accelerated evolution and can be found now in very advanced
stages of consolidation. Consequently, the zone Z, even considering that its
occupation is recent, has a much slower growing process in time.
To-do List
The study aims to show the patterns
though which spontaneous architecture develops in time. These patterns will be
later be classified in terms of form (physical interventions on the territory)
and systems (ways of organisation and interrelation).
In the identification process of this
patters we have outlines possible steps for this kind of research:
-
Establish a set of priorities in spontaneous housing, according to
the data gathered in the interviews and with the analysis of the houses.
-
Identify the aspects preferred by the dwellers when choosing to
build their own houses instead of buying/renting one. One of them, maybe the
most important, is flexibility; the possibility to make business out of the
land – sub-renting it, making a small workshop, having a store – is also
important.
-
Identify the environmental factors affecting house/neighbourhood
dwelling. The proximity to commercial lands, the presence of nearby hills or
quarries, the eventual construction of new roads, all of them are important
factors in the development of the neighbourhoods. A useful tool could be the drawing
of heat maps in order to show in which areas the consolidation process is
slower as to establish determinants.
-
Statistical analysis on consolidation levels, which percentage of
the houses belongs to what stage of consolidation. This would allow us to focus
not only in the general development of the neighbourhood, but also in the
exceptions to the apparent rules.
Finally, it would be advisable to replicate this sort of experience in
other settlements in the outskirts of Lima, in order to effectively check how
similar this process is in other areas with different characteristics. This
would lead to the establishment of general patters, which not only help us
understand the phenomena of spontaneous architecture, but might also lead us to
a more participative role in which the architect could propose dwelling
projects for these areas, taking the particular processes of the inhabitants
into account.
References:
- Burga Bartra, J. El ocaso de la barriada:
Propuestas para la vivienda popular. (Lima, Ministerio de Vivienda,
Construcción y Saneamiento; UNI, Facultad de Arquitectura, Urbanismo y Artes,
2006).
- Burga Bartra, J. «Las
urbanizaciones populares.» in Huaca, no. 1 (Lima, Universidad Nacional de Ingeniería, 1987), pp
15-25.
- Calderón Cockburn, J.
«Los barrios marginales de Lima, 1961-2001.» in Ciudad y Territorio,
Estudios Territoriales XXXV (Lima, 2003), pp 375-389.
- Dreifuss Serrano, C.
«El mercado arquitectónico del querer (pertene)ser.» in Arquitextos, No.
25, Globalización y resistencia. La inversión económica y su impacto en las
ciudades, (Lima, 2010) pp. 14-17.
- Figari, E. «Huaycán:
Una experiencia de urbanismo popular.» in Huaca, no. 1 (Lima, Universidad Nacional de
Ingeniería, 1987), pp 26-30.
- Ludeña Urquizo, W.
«Lima: Poder, centro y centralidad: Del centro nativo al centro neoliberal.» in
Revista eure, Vol. XXVIII Nº
83 (Santiago, 2002), pp. 45-65.
- Miró Quesada Garland,
L. «La realidad de nuestro crecimiento urbano.» in Huaca, no. 1 (Lima, Universidad Nacional de
Ingeniería, 1987), pp 31-36.
- Nugent, G. El
laberinto de la choledad. (Lima, Fundación Friedrich Ebert, 1992).
- Tokeshi, J.
«Arquitectura híbrida: el paisaje de la ciudad popular.» in Bedoya, S. Coloquio
lo Cholo en el Perú. Migraciones y mixtura (Lima: Biblioteca Nacional del
Perú, 2009) pp. 181-188.
- Williams León, C.
«Barriadas y pueblos jóvenes en Lima 1986.» in Huaca, no. 1 (Lima, Universidad Nacional de
Ingeniería, 1987), pp. 4-14.
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